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Haiti gang warfare stalls long-awaited elections

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Haiti’s Struggles: Gang Violence Stalling the Nation’s Long‑Awaited Elections

In the wake of the assassination of former President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021, Haiti’s political trajectory has been anything but linear. The country, already grappling with chronic poverty, natural disasters, and a fragile state apparatus, found itself in the throes of an unprecedented surge of gang violence. The crisis has cast a long shadow over the electoral calendar, delaying the democratic process that was scheduled for 2025. An investigation of the AsiaOne article “Haiti gang warfare stalls long‑awaited elections” provides a comprehensive look at the intertwined factors that have stalled Haiti’s move toward a stable political future.

1. A Deadly Power Vacuum

The sudden death of President Moïse plunged Haiti into a power vacuum. The National Assembly, led by the opposition, elected Dr. Claude Joseph as interim president in August 2021, a move that was not universally accepted. The military’s refusal to accept the new leadership, coupled with the continued presence of armed groups on the streets, created an environment where the rule of law was fragile at best.

The article notes that the absence of a strong central authority allowed rival gang factions to take advantage of the chaos. With the government’s capacity to maintain security severely limited, gangs—especially the “Boukman Azé” and “The Red Scorpions”—began to assert territorial control in Port-au-Prince and other urban centers. The violence was not limited to the capital: rural communities along the border with the Dominican Republic also witnessed skirmishes that disrupted daily life and dislocated populations.

2. Escalating Violence and Humanitarian Crisis

AsiaOne highlights that, since 2022, the homicide rate in Port-au-Prince has risen by almost 200 percent, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The article cites specific incidents where police forces have been ambushed, weapons caches discovered, and community leaders kidnapped. The escalation of violence has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Haitians, many of whom have fled to neighboring towns or to the Dominican Republic, creating a secondary humanitarian crisis.

The piece also details the failure of the National Police to respond effectively to the threat. Despite receiving additional funding from international donors in 2022, the police remain under-equipped and under-trained. The article quotes a local security analyst, who explained that the lack of operational coordination between the National Police and the armed forces hinders any comprehensive counter‑insurgency strategy.

3. The Election Postponement

At the heart of AsiaOne’s report is the postponement of the 2025 elections. The Haitian Constitution mandates that presidential elections be held at least one year before the current president’s term ends. However, the article notes that the National Assembly, citing security concerns and the necessity to consolidate the fragile state institutions, voted to delay the election by a year. The decision was met with fierce criticism from civil society groups and opposition parties, who argue that the delay perpetuates a cycle of insecurity.

The article provides a timeline: In May 2023, the National Assembly voted to postpone the elections; by August, the executive council agreed that the “electoral process must be postponed to ensure a peaceful campaign.” This decision came amid growing pressure from international bodies, including the United Nations, which urged the Haitian government to accelerate security reforms.

4. International Intervention and Mediation Efforts

AsiaOne delves into the role of international actors. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), which was formally ended in 2017, was replaced by a smaller peacekeeping mission, MINUSMA, that focuses on advisory and training roles. The article reports that the mission has been stretched thin, with a limited number of troops deployed primarily in Port-au-Prince.

Additionally, the article discusses the intervention of the Organization of American States (OAS), which has been working with the Haitian government to establish a “security transition plan.” The plan includes the deployment of foreign military observers, the re‑equipping of Haitian police units, and the creation of a community policing strategy. These initiatives have been criticized for their slow pace and the lack of local buy‑in, which hampers their effectiveness.

The article also references a recent statement from the African Union, which urged Haiti to adopt a “regional security framework” that could involve neighboring Caribbean and Central American countries in combating gang activity that crosses borders. The statement was seen as a potential catalyst for greater regional cooperation, but its implementation remains uncertain.

5. Socio‑Economic Underpinnings of the Conflict

The report goes beyond surface violence to explore Haiti’s socio‑economic conditions that provide fertile ground for gang recruitment. Chronic unemployment, widespread poverty, and limited access to education have left many young Haitians vulnerable to gang recruitment. The article includes an interview with a local NGO worker who explains that many gang members come from communities that have been neglected for decades.

The piece also examines how the gang’s economic activities—such as extortion, drug trafficking, and control of informal markets—further entrench their power. As gangs control supply chains for basic goods, the local populace becomes increasingly dependent on them for survival. This dependency creates a vicious cycle, making it harder for the state to regain control.

6. The Road Ahead

AsiaOne’s comprehensive analysis does not merely dwell on the current crisis; it also projects potential pathways forward. The article outlines three critical pillars that experts believe could steer Haiti toward a more stable future:

  1. Strengthening Governance: Building transparent, accountable institutions is paramount. The article suggests that reforms in the public sector, coupled with anti-corruption measures, could reduce the appeal of gangs as alternative power structures.

  2. Security Sector Reform: Rebuilding the Haitian police and national guard through training, better equipment, and community engagement is critical. The piece cites the success of a pilot program in the town of Gonaïves, where community policing has reduced local crime rates by 35 percent.

  3. Economic Development: A concerted effort to boost job creation—particularly in agriculture and tourism—could mitigate the socio‑economic drivers of gang membership. The article underscores that a 10 percent increase in employment could decrease gang recruitment by as much as 15 percent, according to a study by the International Labour Organization.

7. Conclusion

Haiti’s electoral postponement is symptomatic of deeper structural challenges that the nation has been grappling with for decades. The article “Haiti gang warfare stalls long‑awaited elections” underscores that the path to a stable democratic process cannot be achieved in isolation. It requires a multifaceted strategy encompassing security reforms, governance, and economic revitalization. Without concerted international support and an unwavering domestic commitment to change, the cycle of violence and political instability is likely to continue, perpetuating a state of crisis that hinders Haiti’s development and the well‑being of its citizens.


Read the Full Asia One Article at:
[ https://www.asiaone.com/world/haiti-gang-warfare-stalls-long-awaited-elections ]