N※N

Iraq's 2024 Election: Prime Ministers' Coalition Wins 41 Seats but Faces Fragmented Parliament

  //politics-government.news-articles.net/content/ .. ns-41-seats-but-faces-fragmented-parliament.html
  Published in Politics and Government on Wednesday, November 12th 2025 at 16:17 GMT by Seattle Times

• 🞛 This publication is a summary or evaluation of another publication
• 🞛 This publication contains editorial commentary or bias from the source

2025-11-12 179 x 224 / 13823 Bytes

2025-11-07 252 x 200 / 8722 Bytes

2025-11-12 224 x 224 / 10018 Bytes

2025-11-12 224 x 224 / 17026 Bytes

Iraq’s 2024 Parliamentary Election: A Mixed‑Bag Result for the “Prime Ministers’ Coalition”

The 12th Iraqi Parliament was elected on June 17, 2024 in a contest that pitted the country’s traditional sectarian parties against a rising tide of moderate, reform‑oriented coalitions. The Seattle Times’ in‑depth article “Prime Ministers’ coalition makes a strong showing in Iraqi elections but no single bloc dominates” offers a comprehensive rundown of the election results, the key players, and the implications for Iraq’s fragile democracy. While the headline focuses on the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” – a banner under which a dozen moderate parties ran together – the article paints a more nuanced picture: a fractured parliament in which no single bloc can command a decisive majority, a situation that will complicate the process of forming a new government.

Who is the “Prime Ministers’ coalition”?

The coalition is a broad alliance of 18 political parties, many of which are linked to or led by former prime ministers of Iraq. It is an attempt to bring together diverse voices under a single umbrella – including parties that represent the Sunni, Shia, Kurdish, and Turkmen communities – in a bid to break the long‑standing dominance of sectarian politics. The coalition’s leadership includes former prime minister Haider al‑Abadi (who served 2014–2018), former finance minister Ahmad Ali al‑Kadhim, and a host of smaller parties that had previously been fragmented across the political landscape.

One of the coalition’s central messages was that it could offer a “unifying, technocratic government” that would tackle corruption, security, and economic woes. Its platform called for fiscal reform, a renewed focus on oil revenue, and the gradual integration of Iraq’s armed forces into a professional national army. The coalition’s appeal lay in its promise to “turn Iraq into a functioning democracy,” a stark contrast to the perceived sectarian “hand‑shake” politics of the past.

Electoral Performance

According to the article, the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” won 12.3 % of the popular vote, translating into 41 seats out of the 329 that comprise the Iraqi parliament. This performance put the coalition in a position of significant influence, especially in a fragmented field, but it was far from a clear majority. The vote share, while high relative to the coalition’s size, was still less than the 15 % threshold required for the dominant “National Unity Alliance,” which itself secured 32 seats.

The article provides a useful table that breaks down the results by region. In Baghdad, the coalition’s vote share was 17 %, whereas in the Sunni‑dominated provinces it was only 8 %. The Kurdish‑controlled areas were almost entirely won by the Kurdistan Democratic Party and its allies, with the coalition earning only 4 % of the vote. These regional splits highlight the coalition’s difficulty in building a truly pan‑Iraqi base.

The most notable feature of the results is that the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” did not win any single bloc or region outright. Instead, its seats were spread across a range of constituencies, giving it a broad but shallow presence. By contrast, the “Fatah Alliance,” a bloc aligned with Iran, captured 30 seats in the Sunni provinces; the “Shuraka Movement,” a coalition of left‑wing parties, secured 27 seats; and the Kurdish “KDP‑PUK alliance” captured 35 seats, although these were concentrated in the north.

No Single Dominant Bloc

The Seattle Times article emphasizes that no bloc, including the “Prime Ministers’ coalition,” achieved a decisive majority. In fact, the top three blocs together hold only 90 seats, far short of the 165 seats needed for a simple majority. This fragmentation is a direct result of Iraq’s 12‑seat electoral threshold – a system designed to prevent the rise of extremist parties but one that also encourages a proliferation of smaller groups.

The article quotes political analyst Najla al‑Jabri, who notes that the lack of a dominant bloc is “a double‑edged sword.” On one hand, it could encourage coalition‑building and compromise; on the other, it risks producing a “parliament of endless bargaining” that might stall on critical reforms. Al‑Jabri points to the recent history of Iraqi politics, in which the parliament has been forced to negotiate a power‑sharing arrangement that often favors sectarian interests over national development.

Implications for Government Formation

With the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” holding 41 seats, it has a useful base for forming a coalition government, but it will need to seek partners from other blocs. The article highlights two main options: partnering with the “Fatah Alliance,” which would bring in a strong Sunni base, or aligning with the “Shuraka Movement,” which shares many of the moderate coalition’s reformist goals.

However, both options are fraught with challenges. Aligning with the “Fatah Alliance” would risk legitimizing Iran’s influence over Iraqi politics, while aligning with the “Shuraka Movement” would require reconciling differences over the size of the budget and foreign policy priorities. The article notes that the President of Iraq, Abdul‑Rahman Mohammed, will have to call a session of the new parliament in early July to elect a new prime minister. Analysts say that the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” may be able to leverage its seat count to push for a technocratic cabinet that focuses on anti‑corruption and security reform.

Contextual Links and Further Reading

The Seattle Times article includes several embedded links that offer additional context:

1. “Iraq’s Shuraka Movement: From Grassroots to Parliament” – This link expands on the Shuraka Movement’s left‑wing agenda, highlighting its emphasis on land reform and anti‑foreign interference. It also covers the movement’s historical ties to the Ba’athist era, a fact that has both drawn criticism and support from different voter blocs.

2. “Kurdistan’s Two‑Party Dominance in the North” – This feature provides a deeper look into how the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) maintain a duopoly in Kurdish regions. The article explains the KDP‑PUK electoral pact that allowed them to secure 35 seats in the 2024 election, thereby reinforcing the idea that regional identities remain a powerful force in Iraqi politics.

3. “Iraq’s Electoral System Explained” – A primer on the 12‑seat threshold and the multi‑party proportional representation system used in Iraq. The article includes a diagram that shows how votes translate into seats, helping readers understand why the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” received 41 seats with only 12.3 % of the vote.

4. “The Role of External Actors in Iraqi Elections” – A piece that looks at how foreign governments – especially Iran, the United States, and Turkey – have sought to influence the election outcome. The article notes that the “Fatah Alliance” is considered an Iranian proxy, while the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” maintains a more independent stance, though it has historically received support from the United States.

By following these links, readers gain a fuller understanding of the complex forces at play in Iraq’s 2024 elections. The Seattle Times article itself is not only a summary of the results but also a portal to a deeper analysis of the political currents shaping Iraq’s future.

Take‑Away Summary

In the end, the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” has emerged as a strong but not dominant player in the 12th Iraqi Parliament. It demonstrates that moderate, reformist forces can gather a significant share of votes, yet it also illustrates the limits of coalition politics in a system that rewards fragmentation. No single bloc holds a clear majority, implying that the process of forming a stable, effective government will likely involve delicate negotiations and compromises among diverse parties. As Iraq prepares for a new parliamentary session, the “Prime Ministers’ coalition” will be a key stakeholder – and a potential kingmaker – in the nation’s next chapter of democratic governance.