Netanyahulosesmajorityassecondultra- Orthodoxpartyquitscoalition

Published in Politics and Government on Thursday, July 17th 2025 at 20:41 GMT by Le Monde.fr
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Benjamin Netanyahu''s coalition crumbled further Wednesday as Shas became the second ultra-Orthodox party to quit over draft exemptions, leaving the Isreali prime minister with a weakened grip on power.

In a significant political development in Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has lost his parliamentary majority following the resignation of a second ultra-Orthodox party from his governing coalition. This move has plunged his administration into a precarious position, raising questions about the stability of his government and the future of his leadership amid ongoing domestic and international challenges. The departure of the ultra-Orthodox party, which had been a key pillar of support for Netanyahu’s coalition, underscores deep-seated tensions over issues such as military conscription for religious communities, economic policies, and the broader direction of Israeli governance. This political upheaval comes at a time when Israel is grappling with complex security threats, internal divisions, and strained international relations, making the loss of a stable majority particularly consequential.

The ultra-Orthodox parties, also known as Haredi parties, have long been influential players in Israeli politics, often serving as kingmakers in coalition governments due to their significant voting blocs. Their support has historically been crucial for leaders like Netanyahu, who has relied on their backing to maintain power through multiple terms as prime minister. These parties advocate for the interests of Israel’s ultra-Orthodox Jewish community, which prioritizes religious study and traditional values over secular obligations such as mandatory military service. However, their demands for exemptions from military draft laws and substantial state funding for religious institutions have frequently sparked friction with other segments of Israeli society, including secular and nationalist factions within Netanyahu’s coalition.

The specific trigger for the resignation of the second ultra-Orthodox party appears to be a culmination of disagreements over policy and governance. While the first ultra-Orthodox party to leave the coalition had already signaled discontent over certain legislative priorities, the second party’s exit has dealt a more severe blow to Netanyahu’s ability to command a majority in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. Without the support of these parties, Netanyahu’s coalition no longer holds the necessary number of seats to pass legislation or fend off no-confidence motions, leaving his government vulnerable to collapse. This development has intensified speculation about the possibility of early elections, a scenario that could further destabilize an already polarized political landscape.

At the heart of the rift between Netanyahu and the ultra-Orthodox parties lies a contentious debate over military conscription. For years, the Haredi community has benefited from exemptions that allow young men to avoid mandatory military service in favor of religious studies. This policy has been a source of resentment among other Israelis, particularly those who serve in the military and view the exemptions as unfair. Recent efforts to reform draft laws and enforce greater participation from the ultra-Orthodox community have met with fierce resistance from Haredi leaders, who see such measures as an attack on their way of life. Netanyahu, caught between the demands of his ultra-Orthodox allies and the broader public’s call for equality in national service, has struggled to navigate this divisive issue. The failure to reach a compromise appears to have been a key factor in the coalition’s unraveling.

Beyond the draft issue, economic and social policies have also contributed to the growing discord. The ultra-Orthodox parties have historically pushed for increased funding for religious schools and welfare programs that support their communities, often at the expense of other national priorities. In a time of economic strain, these demands have clashed with the agendas of other coalition partners, including right-wing and centrist factions that prioritize security spending and economic reforms. Netanyahu’s attempts to balance these competing interests have evidently fallen short, leading to a breakdown in trust and cooperation among his allies. The resignation of the second ultra-Orthodox party is not merely a numerical loss for the coalition but a symbolic one, reflecting deeper fractures within Israel’s political system.

The timing of this political crisis could not be more challenging for Netanyahu. Israel faces a myriad of pressing issues, including ongoing conflicts with Palestinian groups, tensions with neighboring countries, and the ever-present threat of escalation in the region. Domestically, the country is dealing with social unrest, economic difficulties, and public dissatisfaction with the government’s handling of various crises. Internationally, Netanyahu’s administration has faced criticism over its policies in the occupied territories and its approach to diplomacy, particularly with regard to the United States and other key allies. The loss of a parliamentary majority at such a critical juncture limits Netanyahu’s ability to address these challenges effectively, as his government may struggle to pass budgets, enact reforms, or respond decisively to security threats.

The immediate consequence of the ultra-Orthodox party’s departure is a heightened risk of government collapse. Without a majority, Netanyahu may be forced to seek new coalition partners, a task that is easier said than done given the fragmented nature of Israeli politics. Potential allies could include smaller parties or defectors from other blocs, but securing their support would likely require significant concessions on policy matters. Alternatively, opposition parties may seize the opportunity to push for a no-confidence vote, which, if successful, could trigger the dissolution of the Knesset and the calling of new elections. Such a scenario would mark yet another chapter in Israel’s recent history of political instability, as the country has already experienced multiple election cycles in a short span of time due to similar coalition breakdowns.

For Netanyahu personally, this crisis represents a profound test of his political survival. As one of Israel’s longest-serving prime ministers, he has weathered numerous storms, including legal battles over corruption charges and widespread protests against his leadership. His ability to hold onto power has often been attributed to his strategic acumen and willingness to forge unlikely alliances. However, the loss of the ultra-Orthodox parties’ support may prove to be a hurdle too high to overcome, especially if public opinion continues to sour amid ongoing challenges. Critics argue that Netanyahu’s focus on maintaining power has come at the expense of addressing systemic issues, such as inequality in military service and the integration of the Haredi community into broader society. Supporters, on the other hand, contend that his leadership is essential for navigating Israel through turbulent times, particularly in the realm of national security.

Looking ahead, the resignation of the second ultra-Orthodox party could have far-reaching implications for Israel’s political landscape. If elections are called, they are likely to be fiercely contested, with opposition leaders eager to capitalize on Netanyahu’s weakened position. The outcome of such a vote could reshape the balance of power in the Knesset, potentially ushering in a new coalition or even a different prime minister. For the ultra-Orthodox parties, their decision to leave the coalition may reflect a strategic calculation to preserve their influence by distancing themselves from an embattled government. However, it also risks alienating other political actors and diminishing their leverage in future negotiations.

The broader societal impact of this political crisis cannot be overlooked. The tensions between the ultra-Orthodox community and the rest of Israeli society are emblematic of deeper divisions over identity, religion, and the role of the state. Resolving these issues will require not only political compromise but also a willingness to engage in difficult conversations about fairness, duty, and national unity. For now, though, the focus remains on the immediate fallout of the coalition’s collapse and the question of whether Netanyahu can salvage his government or if Israel is headed for yet another period of uncertainty.

In conclusion, the resignation of a second ultra-Orthodox party from Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition marks a turning point in Israeli politics, stripping the prime minister of his parliamentary majority and casting doubt on the future of his administration. Driven by disputes over military conscription, economic priorities, and ideological differences, this development highlights the fragility of coalition governments in a deeply divided society. As Netanyahu grapples with the loss of key allies, the specter of early elections looms large, promising further turbulence in an already volatile political environment. Meanwhile, the underlying issues that led to this crisis—particularly the integration of the ultra-Orthodox community and the equitable distribution of national responsibilities—remain unresolved, posing long-term challenges for Israel’s leaders and citizens alike. The coming weeks and months will be critical in determining whether Netanyahu can regain control or if this moment signals the beginning of the end for his tenure.

Read the Full Le Monde.fr Article at:
[ https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2025/07/16/netanyahu-loses-majority-as-second-ultra-orthodox-party-quit-coalition_6743436_4.html ]

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Netanyahulosesmajorityassecondultra- Orthodoxpartyquitscoalition