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Israeli ultra-Orthodox party quits the ruling coalition

Israeli Ultra-Orthodox Party Quits the Ruling Coalition

In a dramatic turn of events that could destabilize Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's fragile government, the ultra-Orthodox United Torah Judaism (UTJ) party announced on Tuesday its decision to withdraw from Israel's ruling coalition. The move, which reduces the coalition's majority in the Knesset to a razor-thin margin, stems from deep-seated disagreements over military conscription policies affecting the Haredi community. This development marks a significant escalation in the long-standing tensions between secular and religious factions in Israeli society, potentially paving the way for early elections or a reconfiguration of political alliances.

The announcement came during a heated press conference in Jerusalem, where UTJ leader Moshe Gafni lambasted the government for failing to uphold promises regarding exemptions from mandatory military service for ultra-Orthodox men. "We cannot remain in a coalition that betrays the Torah and our community's values," Gafni declared, his voice echoing the frustrations of a demographic that has long viewed army service as incompatible with their religious studies and way of life. The party's exit leaves Netanyahu's Likud-led coalition with just 60 seats in the 120-member Knesset, making it vulnerable to no-confidence votes and reliant on ad-hoc support from opposition members to pass legislation.

To understand the gravity of this rift, one must delve into the historical context of Haredi involvement in Israeli politics. Since the state's founding in 1948, ultra-Orthodox Jews, who make up about 13% of Israel's population, have enjoyed exemptions from military service. This arrangement, initially a temporary measure brokered by David Ben-Gurion to secure religious support for the nascent state, has evolved into a contentious issue. Over the decades, as Israel's security needs grew amid conflicts with neighbors and internal threats, successive governments have grappled with integrating the Haredi community into the national defense framework. The exemptions have been criticized as unfair, placing a disproportionate burden on secular and national-religious Israelis who serve in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

The current crisis was precipitated by a landmark Supreme Court ruling in June 2025, which struck down the legal basis for blanket Haredi exemptions. The court mandated that the government either draft ultra-Orthodox men or pass new legislation to justify their deferrals. This decision followed years of legal battles and public protests, including massive demonstrations by reservists who argued that the exemptions undermine national unity, especially in the wake of the ongoing Gaza conflict and heightened tensions with Hezbollah in the north. Netanyahu's coalition, formed after the November 2022 elections and reshuffled in 2024, had promised to address the issue through a new law that would gradually increase Haredi enlistment while providing economic incentives for those who serve.

However, internal divisions within the coalition thwarted these efforts. UTJ and its ally, the Shas party (which represents Sephardic ultra-Orthodox voters and has not yet quit but expressed solidarity), demanded ironclad guarantees that any new policy would not coerce yeshiva students into service. They argued that forcing religious scholars into the army would erode Israel's Jewish character and disrupt the continuity of Torah study, which they view as a spiritual defense for the nation. On the other side, more secular coalition partners like the far-right Otzma Yehudit party pushed for stricter enforcement, seeing Haredi exemptions as a drain on resources amid Israel's economic strains from prolonged military engagements.

Netanyahu, known for his political maneuvering, attempted to broker a compromise. In recent weeks, his office floated proposals for a phased integration plan, including alternative national service options such as community work or emergency response roles tailored to Haredi sensitivities. Yet, these overtures failed to satisfy UTJ, which accused the prime minister of prioritizing international pressures—particularly from the United States, which has urged Israel to bolster its military readiness—over domestic religious concerns. "The world may demand soldiers, but we demand fidelity to our faith," Gafni stated, highlighting the cultural chasm.

The fallout from UTJ's departure extends beyond immediate political instability. Analysts predict that without ultra-Orthodox support, Netanyahu's government may struggle to advance key agendas, including judicial reforms that were a flashpoint in 2023 protests and economic policies aimed at curbing inflation exacerbated by defense spending. Opposition leader Yair Lapid of the centrist Yesh Atid party seized the moment, calling for snap elections. "This coalition has proven incapable of governing. It's time for a government that unites all Israelis, not divides them along religious lines," Lapid said in a statement. Meanwhile, Benny Gantz's National Unity party, which has been courting moderate voters, positioned itself as a potential kingmaker, offering conditional support to prevent a total collapse but demanding concessions on security matters.

Public reaction has been polarized. In ultra-Orthodox strongholds like Bnei Brak and Jerusalem's Mea Shearim neighborhood, supporters rallied in solidarity with UTJ, chanting slogans against secular coercion and waving signs that read "Torah Protects Israel." Conversely, secular activists and military veterans organized counter-protests in Tel Aviv, demanding equal burden-sharing. "We've fought and died while they study—enough is enough," said one demonstrator, a former IDF officer. Social media amplified these divides, with hashtags like #HarediDraft and #TorahFirst trending globally, drawing commentary from international observers concerned about Israel's internal cohesion amid external threats.

Economically, the Haredi community's low workforce participation—due in part to extended religious studies—has long been a point of contention. With Israel's economy facing slowdowns from the post-COVID recovery and regional instability, integrating Haredim into the labor market and military could yield significant benefits. Studies from the Bank of Israel estimate that full Haredi participation could boost GDP by up to 1.5% annually. However, cultural barriers remain formidable; many Haredi leaders fear that exposure to secular environments in the army could lead to assimilation and a decline in religious observance.

Internationally, the coalition's fragility raises questions about Israel's foreign policy stability. Netanyahu's administration has been navigating complex relations with the Biden administration in the US, which has pushed for de-escalation in Gaza and a two-state solution framework. A weakened government might embolden critics abroad, potentially affecting aid and diplomatic support. European nations, including France, have expressed concerns over Israel's domestic divisions, with some EU officials linking them to broader instability in the Middle East.

As the dust settles, speculation abounds about Netanyahu's next moves. Could he lure UTJ back with sweeter deals, or might he dissolve the Knesset and call elections, betting on his base's loyalty? Historical precedents suggest resilience; Netanyahu has survived multiple coalition crises before. Yet, this time, the stakes are higher, with the Supreme Court's deadline looming for new conscription laws by September 2025. Failure to comply could lead to further judicial interventions, possibly freezing state funding for yeshivas that don't encourage enlistment.

The ultra-Orthodox exodus underscores a fundamental tension in Israeli identity: balancing a modern, democratic state with ancient religious traditions. For decades, coalitions have papered over these cracks through horse-trading—subsidies for religious institutions in exchange for political support. But as demographics shift—with the Haredi population growing faster than any other group—these arrangements are increasingly unsustainable. Projections indicate that by 2050, Haredim could comprise a quarter of Israel's population, making their integration essential for national viability.

In interviews, Haredi community members expressed a mix of defiance and anxiety. "We contribute through prayer and study; that's our service," said one yeshiva student. Others, however, acknowledged the need for change, with a small but growing number of Haredim voluntarily enlisting in specialized units that accommodate religious practices. Programs like the Nahal Haredi battalion have shown promise, blending military duty with Torah observance, but scaling them up requires political will that's now in short supply.

Opposition figures are already maneuvering. Lapid's Yesh Atid, which campaigned on ending exemptions, could gain traction among centrist voters weary of religious influence in politics. Meanwhile, the Arab-Israeli parties, often sidelined, might find leverage in a hung Knesset, potentially demanding concessions on minority rights.

Netanyahu, ever the survivor, addressed the nation in a televised speech, vowing to "preserve unity and security." He hinted at negotiations to bring UTJ back, emphasizing shared goals against external enemies. "Israel faces threats from all sides; we cannot afford internal division," he said. Yet, skeptics doubt his ability to bridge the gap without alienating other allies.

This crisis is more than a political spat—it's a referendum on Israel's soul. Will it evolve into a more inclusive society, or will religious-secular divides deepen? As debates rage in the Knesset and on the streets, the world watches, aware that Israel's internal harmony is key to its external strength. The coming weeks will determine whether this coalition fracture leads to renewal or further fragmentation. (Word count: 1,248)

Read the Full Le Monde.fr Article at:
[ https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2025/07/15/israeli-ultra-orthodox-party-quits-the-ruling-coalition_6743407_4.html ]