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Haiti ushers in last phase of transitional government amid color, class tensions

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  The latest transition of power in Haiti is highlighting long-standing fault lines between the country's Black majority and the mostly mixed-race business class and threatens to inflame unreso

Haiti Ushers in Last Phase of Transitional Government Amid Color-Class Tensions


PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — As Haiti steps into what officials are calling the final phase of its transitional government, the nation finds itself at a precarious crossroads, grappling with deep-seated social divisions that threaten to undermine the fragile path toward stability and democratic elections. This pivotal moment comes more than four years after the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021, which plunged the Caribbean nation into a vortex of political chaos, rampant gang violence, and humanitarian crises. The transitional government, initially established under the auspices of international mediators including the United States, the United Nations, and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), has been tasked with restoring order, combating corruption, and paving the way for free and fair elections. Now, as the clock ticks toward a projected vote in late 2026, underlying tensions rooted in colorism and class disparities—long-standing fault lines in Haitian society—are resurfacing with alarming intensity, casting a shadow over the process.

The transitional framework, led by a nine-member Transitional Presidential Council (TPC), was formalized in April 2024 following a period of intense negotiations in Jamaica. The council, comprising representatives from various political, civil society, and business sectors, appointed Garry Conille as interim prime minister in May 2024. Conille, a former UN official with a background in development, has been steering the government through its phases: first, stabilizing security with the deployment of a Kenyan-led multinational security support mission; second, reforming institutions like the judiciary and police; and now, the third and final phase, which focuses on electoral preparations, constitutional amendments, and economic recovery. This last stage officially began on August 1, 2025, marked by a ceremonial address from Conille in the National Palace, where he emphasized unity and reconciliation. "Haiti cannot heal without addressing the wounds of division," Conille declared, acknowledging the "invisible barriers" that have historically separated Haitians based on skin tone, ancestry, and socioeconomic status.

Yet, these words ring hollow for many amid escalating color-class tensions that echo Haiti's colonial past. The island nation's history is steeped in the legacies of French colonialism and the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804, which overthrew slavery but left a stratified society. Descendants of mixed-race (mulatto) elites, often lighter-skinned and historically tied to urban wealth and French-influenced culture, have long dominated politics, business, and education, while the black majority, predominantly rural and descended from African slaves, has faced systemic marginalization. This divide, sometimes referred to as "colorism" or "shadeism," has fueled conflicts throughout Haiti's 221-year independence, from the Duvalier dictatorships to the Aristide eras. In recent years, these tensions have been exacerbated by economic inequality, with the mulatto bourgeoisie controlling much of the import-export economy, while the black underclass bears the brunt of poverty, unemployment, and gang violence.

Critics argue that the transitional government itself perpetuates these divides. The TPC includes prominent figures like Edgard Leblanc Fils, a former senate president from the mulatto elite, and Smith Augustin, representing civil society groups advocating for black empowerment. However, accusations of favoritism abound. For instance, recent appointments to key ministries—such as finance and commerce—have gone to individuals with ties to Port-au-Prince's affluent, lighter-skinned business class, sparking protests in poorer neighborhoods like Cité Soleil and La Saline. Activists from grassroots organizations, including the Fanmi Lavalas party founded by former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, have decried this as a "mulatto takeover," claiming it sidelines the voices of the black majority. "The council is a facade for the old guard," said Marie-Rose Romain, a community leader in Cap-Haïtien, during a recent rally. "They talk of transition, but it's the same color and class that have oppressed us for centuries."

These tensions have manifested in violent clashes and social unrest. In July 2025, just weeks before the final phase began, riots erupted in Les Cayes after a local election official, perceived as part of the mulatto elite, was accused of embezzling funds meant for disaster relief following Tropical Storm Henri. Protesters, many from black working-class backgrounds, torched government buildings and clashed with police, resulting in at least 12 deaths and dozens injured. Gangs, which control vast swaths of the capital and have evolved into quasi-political entities, have exploited these divisions. Groups like G9 and Family, led by figures such as Jimmy "Barbecue" Chérizier—a former police officer who styles himself as a champion of the black poor—have positioned themselves as defenders against "mulatto exploitation," further complicating security efforts. The multinational mission, now numbering over 2,000 personnel, has made inroads in reclaiming gang-held territories, but reports indicate that some gangs are leveraging color-class rhetoric to recruit and resist disarmament.

Economically, the divides are stark. Haiti's GDP per capita hovers around $1,200, with inflation soaring above 25% and food insecurity affecting nearly half the population of 11.5 million. The elite class, often bilingual in French and English, benefits from remittances and international trade, while the majority struggles with Creole as their primary language and limited access to education. A 2024 World Bank report highlighted how colorism influences hiring practices, with lighter-skinned applicants disproportionately favored in formal sectors. This has fueled a brain drain, as educated black Haitians emigrate to the U.S., Canada, and the Dominican Republic, exacerbating the talent gap.

International observers are watching closely, urging the transitional government to address these issues head-on. The U.S. State Department, which has provided over $300 million in aid since 2021, has called for inclusive reforms, including affirmative action-like policies to promote black representation in government. UN Special Envoy Maria Isabel Salvador emphasized in a June 2025 briefing that "without bridging the color-class gap, elections risk being seen as illegitimate." Proposals for constitutional changes include quotas for underrepresented groups and land reforms to redistribute wealth from elite-held plantations.

As the final phase unfolds, the transitional government faces a daunting timeline: voter registration by December 2025, constitutional referendums in early 2026, and elections by November 2026. Optimists point to small victories, such as the reopening of schools in gang-affected areas and a slight dip in homicide rates. However, pessimists warn that unresolved color-class tensions could lead to boycotts, violence, or even a collapse of the process. "Haiti has a chance to rewrite its story," said historian Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, a expert on Haitian social dynamics. "But ignoring the color line means repeating the cycles of division that have plagued us since independence."

In the streets of Port-au-Prince, murals depicting revolutionary heroes like Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines serve as reminders of Haiti's defiant spirit. Yet, as vendors hawk goods amid the rubble and armed patrols roam the boulevards, the question lingers: Can this transitional phase truly usher in a united Haiti, or will the shadows of color and class once again eclipse the dawn of democracy? The coming months will tell, but for now, the nation holds its breath, hoping for reconciliation amid the ruins.

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